increase their focus on EUIBAs that are less mature in cybersecurity

the Interinstitutional Committee for the Digital Transformation, promotes further synergies among EUIBAs

a legislative proposal introducing common binding rules on cybersecurity for all EUIBAs and increased resources for CERT-EU

Although CERT-EU is highly valued by the EUIBAs, its effectiveness is compromised by an increasing workload, unstable funding and staffing, and insufficient cooperation from some EUIBA

are not fully interoperable.

do not systematically share with each other information on cybersecurity-related projects, security assessments and service contracts.

potential synergies are not fully exploited.

Cybersecurity training is not always systematic.

IT security strategies are in many cases lacking or are not endorsed by senior management, security policies are not always formalised, and risk assessments do not cover the entire IT environment. Not all EUIBAs have their cybersecurity regularly subject to independent assurance

cybersecurity governance

he EUIBA community has not achieved a level of cyber preparedness commensurate with the threats.

strongly interconnected

attractive targets for potential attackers,

GPT-3 alone doesn’t fact-check or verify sources. This could be a huge problem for content teams that rely on accuracy of information; for example, newsrooms or teams that publish reports like whitepapers. The text GPT-3 generates shows biases. As ethics researcher and Google whistleblower Timnit Gebru revealed, large language models like GPT-3 are exposed to the most harmful content on the internet. That means it can spit out racist tropes and gendered language. While GPT-3 is smart, it’s still a mindless piece of technology. Think of the tool as a writing parrot: With just a few examples, it can combine words in a multitude of ways to mimic human writing, but it doesn’t always make sense of what it’s writing. As you’ll see in a moment, the result is often a lot of textual “noise” without a “why” behind what it says.

Conversion.ai is handy for unlocking writing ideas.

With these challenges in mind, content teams should assume that anything generated via GPT-3 will need fine-tuning.

OpenAI’s GPT-3 was first to market, but there are more general pretrained transformer engines on the way. GPT-Neo, aka “open-source GPT-3,” is already available thanks to the work of the grassroots AI research scientists at EleutherAI.

GPT-3 is a commercially available API for developers.

GPT-3 only needs a few (2-3) examples to deliver on specific writing tasks.

Let’s strip away the hype

set common binding rules on cybersecurity for all the bloc’s institutions.

Because the EU’s organizations are strongly interconnected, a vulnerability anywhere could have a cascading effect, it said.

Nonetheless, the European auditors said Tuesday that EU organizations were failing to enact some “essential” cybersecurity controls and underspending in this area. The auditors also alleged a lack of “systematic” cybersecurity training and information sharing.

“A lot of the influencers who tend to align with Modi see at least some amount of common cause or some of their own viewpoints espoused by Putin’s brand of ethnonationalism,” Mr. Brookie said.

Pro-Russian sentiment has taken hold in right-wing circles in the United States, misinformation has spread within Russia that claims Ukrainians have staged bombings or bombed their own neighborhoods, and myths about Ukrainian fortitude have gone viral across social media platforms. But in India and other countries where social media users joined the hashtag, pro-Russian narratives have focused on ethnonationalism and Western hypocrisy over the war, themes that have resonated with social media users.

GDPR has been poorly enforced—including a provision that says people should be able to transport their data from one app to another.

These standards already exist—for instance, the Matrix messaging protocol, the XMPP standard, and the upcoming Messaging Layer Security. “If every player in the field—so the gatekeepers but also the smaller player—all connect to the same standard, it ends up being a big glue between the different services,” says Amandine Le Pape, a cofounder of the Matrix standard.

for all companies to adopt one encryption standard and stick to it.

who would manage the exchange of public encryption keys and how cryptographic metadata would be shared between companies.

The first involves tech companies allowing access to APIs that connect to their messaging services—this is the option Schwab and lawmakers are leaning toward. The second involves more radical change: All companies would have to adopt and implement one universal encryption standard.

“The main challenge is the trade-off between interoperability and privacy for gatekeepers who provide end-to-end encryption,”

the DMA will create “unnecessary privacy and security vulnerabilities.”

“Interoperable E2EE [end-to-end encryption] is somewhere between extraordinarily difficult and impossible,”

cryptography experts are concerned the proposals will not be technically possible without compromising end-to-end encryption,

the largest messaging platforms—including WhatsApp, Facebook Messenger, and iMessage, which the DMA designates as gatekeepers—will have to open up to rivals.

But it’s not possible to send a message from one encrypted app to another.

to impose non-violent pain and pressure on Russian civil society, especially among the oligarchs and middle class, provoking them to rise up and force Putin to withdraw from Ukraine.

we should cease all science cooperation with Russia, and Russian officials should be excluded from international science meetings.

isolate and punish Russia for its actions.

If science engagement is no different than soccer, the case for science diplomacy’s potential to build bridges when other means of communication have ceased to function has just become far less persuasive.

the unique role of the scientific community as a purveyor of rational discourse and mutual understanding

the head of the Russian Space Agency responded to international sanctions with a threat to let the International Space Station crash into the U.S. or Europe.

science diplomacy “serves as a critical medium of international political communication when regular diplomatic channels are strained, blocked, or nonexistent.”

who share common principles and objectives underpins arguments for science diplomacy.

My position is not a political one: I have served current Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and I will serve Secretary-designate Hillary Clinton upon her assumption of office this month. I accepted the position because my involvement in scientific interactions between US scientists and scientists in the former Soviet Union through the 1990s convinced me of the profound stabilizing influence that scientific interactions can exert between countries with deeply discordant ideologies and political systems.

Nina Fedoroff, a former president of AAAS and former science and technology adviser to the U.S. secretary of state, explained her engagement in science diplomacy as follows:

Many Central Asians working in Russia will be forced to return home as work opportunities decline. An influx of largely young men to countries with little economic prospects to offer them will have a destabilising impact. Russia may soon be called upon to quell unrest in the guise of the CSTO, unrest the Kremlin is largely responsible for.

For instance, the percentage of GDP that remittances comprise for Kyrgyzstan in 2020 was 31.3 per cent, with the vast majority last year coming from Russia. Analysts forecast a 33 per cent decline in remittances for Kyrgyzstan in 2022.

fair use only matters for copyright holders, it doesn’t matter for data subjects and it doesn’t matter for the people who are affected by the decisions when these models are deployed.

There are lots of people in communities who are not writing papers, but they have other forms of knowledge that are very important for our projects.

How do we make sure that when we extract knowledge from people, we appropriately compensate them?

I wonder about AI for social good.

AI for the value of AI itself.

the Harmony operating system

Huawei and Chinese peer ZTE control roughly 40 to 60 percent of the market for wireless network equipment in Russia, according to market research company Dell’Oro, with Nokia and Ericsson making up most of the rest.

Russia needs Huawei. Apple's and Samsung’s retreat has put half the smartphone market up for grabs, while Ericsson and Nokia’s suspension of their Russia business has left a hole in the supply of telecoms equipment for broadband and mobile network infrastructure that will need to be maintained and eventually upgraded.

“It is theoretically possible that [Huawei] has been able to figure out how to make a cell or base station without US tools, software etc. But it’s hard to believe they would be able to find all the [semiconductors] that were not made with US tools.”

Its phone sales in Russia rose 300 percent in the first two weeks of March, while other Chinese brands Oppo and Vivo also recorded triple-digit sales increases, according to analysts at MTS, Russia’s largest mobile operator.

“The theme for this cycle is to clean everything up, make small improvements, debug.

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fully transparent with their suggestions.

Review tools and products related to one topic: I

to take short interviews with noted people and introduce them to your readers in a digestible format.

Curated Resources:

Make each section shareable:

Remember that your readers are humans too, and they love it when you sound like a normal person in their personal inbox instead of like a TV News Anchor.

Writing style

Once your Styleguide is published, it will be viewable to anyone with the URL (and password, if you have password protection enabled). It’s not limited to teammates who have Writer seats. This way, your entire organization has easy access to the content guidelines you’ve created.

The complete list of the blocks we've optimised:

diplomats need to understand

defective

This is not a conflict. This is a war.

China needs Europe as a market, and as a source of technology and investments, they note, especially when China’s ties with America are in dire shape.

Deterring a potential Chinese attack on Taiwan requires demonstrating that the West is capable of unity and resolve.

Those Chinese also predict that transatlantic unity between Europe and America will crumble and that sanctions will fail to break Russia’s will, not least as European voters protest against high energy prices and flows of refugees from Ukraine.

China is doing Europe a favour by explaining how it expects the West to be a loser from the conflict in Ukraine.

Chinese officials pre-emptively instructed the Europeans not to threaten their leader.

that China will face a serious cost if it helps Mr Putin circumvent Western sanctions on Russia, or provides military aid

Mr Michel and Ms von der Leyen were expected to express the EU’s horror over Chinese fondness for economic coercion.

Instead Mr Michel and Ms von der Leyen were due to raise human rights at the summit, touching on such thorny topics as China’s iron-fisted rule over Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong.

hina’s preferred agenda involved the signing of memorandums, and talks about reviving the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), a trade pact heavily backed by Mrs Merkel.

EU governments are horrified by China’s refusal to urge Russia to stop the war.

In 16 years as chancellor, she promoted an accommodating approach that treated China as an invaluable source of economic opportunity and a potential partner on such issues as climate change, albeit one prone to disappointing lapses on human rights.

CHINESE LEADERS wanted the mood to be “business as usual”.

governments are increasingly keen to limit cross-border information flows, often invoking national security

forcing these positions to be filled locally.

Amid supply-chain disruptions from the pandemic, now compounded by Russia’s war in Ukraine, and a geostrategic contest with China, Western politicians are in a protectionist mood.

being in the same time zone as your client.

For these reasons, proximity matters.

It is harder to do so for high-value projects at the heart of their business, which require constant communication, continuity and confidentiality

McKinsey estimates that compensation costs have risen by 20-30% over the past year.

A ballooning Indian “talent cloud”

Wages for new hires in India can be as little as $5,000 annually, less than a tenth of the going rate in rich countries.

it possible for companies to untether from their physical headquarters not just peripheral functions but parts of their ever more digital core business

Earlier this year JPMorgan Chase, an American bank, announced it would add 6,000 people to its substantial Indian business to work on the cloud, cyber-security and AI. IBM has opened a cyber-security centre in India to cater to its Asian clients.

great migration to the cloud offers further opportunities.

All these innovations required sophisticated software. A lot if it has been developed in India since early 2020. And there is more to come.

All manner of businesses are digitising ever more of their operations. They are moving more activities to the computing cloud. And work is becoming more remote. India’s low-cost, competent coders can help with all three.

In the last financial year they reached an all-time high of $150bn, or 5.6% of Indian GDP (see chart 1).

The industry’s three giants, Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), Infosys and Wipro, became household names at home and familiar to chief executives of big businesses abroad, who had outsourced their companies’ countermeasures against the feared “millennium bug”,

As the Wild West phase ends, brands should also embrace new analytical tools that help them gauge the performance of influencers

who disclose to their audiences that their posts are paid

They should expect more regulation on consumer protection: China’s crackdown may also include limits on spending and content rules

the most popular marketing strategy of the 2010s—ads targeted through Google and Facebook—is under threat as new privacy standards, including on Apple’s iPhone, make it harder to spy on potential customers.

The boundary between entertainment and e-commerce is blurring.

ignoring influencers is a mistake.

They are quick to adapt to newer platforms like TikTok and to the ever-changing algorithms of older ones like Instagram.

Influencers’ networks reach new audiences, particularly younger shoppers.

an elite of under 100,000 of them who have over 1m followers

Total spending on influencers by brands could reach $16bn this year.

For all firms with brands—and together those brands are worth over $7trn—it is time to realise that influencing is more than just a hobby.

This week China promised a tax-evasion crackdown on social-media influencers, who are paid by brands to promote products online to armies of followers.

To be a top-ten brand, says Flavio Cereda-Parini of Jefferies, an investment bank, you have to know how to play the digital game. If you don’t, “you are not going to be top ten for very long.”

Regulators around the world, as well as some social-media platforms, are beginning to clamp down on influencers who do not tag their content as advertorials.

Before the latest clampdown Chinese authorities had already forced 20,000 influencer accounts to be taken down last year on grounds of “polluting the internet environment”.

A host of younger and more unpredictable brand ambassadors is harder for brands to control than one or two superstars on exclusive contracts with good-behaviour clauses.

Influencer-led live-streamed shopping events in China by Louis Vuitton and Gucci were ridiculed for cheapening their brand.

“media impact value” (MIV)

They are video editors, scriptwriters, lighting specialists, directors and the main talent wrapped into one.

He and Viya, a fellow influencer, flogged $3bn-worth of goods in a day, half as much again as changes hands daily on Amazon.

(Instagram is best for all-stars with over 2m followers and TikTok for niche “micro-influencers” with up to 100,000 followers and “nano-influencers” with fewer than 10,000).

Such star-led campaigns can feel aloof to teenagers and 20-somethings who prize authenticity over timeless glamour.

Brands’ global spending on influencers may reach $16bn this year, more than one in ten ad dollars spent on social media.

One in 2020 from the National Bureau of Statistics in China, where influencers gained prominence earlier than in the West, estimated its contribution to the economy at $210bn, equivalent to 1.4% of GDP.

On March 29th news reports surfaced that China’s paternalistic authorities are planning new curbs on how much money internet users can spend on tipping their favourite influencers, how much those influencers can earn from fans, and what they are allowed to post.

For consumers, influencers are at once a walking advert and a trusted friend.

Their fame stems not from non-digital pursuits, as was the case with the A-list stars who used to dominate the ranks of brand ambassadors, but from savvy use of Instagram, Snapchat or TikTok.

Apple and Google take a cut of up to 30%, which is thought to contribute a fifth of the operating profits at Apple and Alphabet, Google’s parent company.

you cannot “pass laws against trade-offs”.

Apple allows sideloading on its desktop computers without calamity.

The DMA, which is on track to come into force next year, would force mobile platforms to allow third-party app stores and “sideloading” of apps directly from the web—something Google permits but Apple does not.

A bigger threat comes from the EU’s Digital Markets Act (DMA), approved in draft form on March 24th.

A bill before America’s Congress would force app stores to allow payment alternatives and let apps advertise other ways to sign up.

Its high-octane venture capitalism and, increasingly, its capitalists and capital have infused technology scenes from Stockholm to Shanghai and São Paulo.

Venture investments across the Atlantic have shot up from less than $40bn in 2019 to more than $93bn last year—pulling nearly equal with Silicon Valley, according to CBInsights, another data provider.

The Brookings Institution, a think-tank, recently estimated that 31% of tech jobs are now offered in “superstar metro areas” such as Silicon Valley, down from 36% before the pandemic.

now they no longer have to be physically present to get access to capital, talent and know-how.

Zoom makes it easier for people to interview for a new job and for entrepreneurs to pitch to potential investors. In the words of Mike Volpi of Index Ventures, a VC firm, “This has created a much more efficient market.”

Promising startups can raise money in days rather than weeks.

everyone seems suddenly obsessed with the decentralised “web3” (which they are)

ike a college reunion these days

free and open, connected, prosperous, secure, and resilient

to mitigate online radicalization,

the internet, and cyber space.

ew regional initiatives to improve collective cybersecurity and

to improve their cyber capacity.

catalyze investment in transparent, high-standards infrastructure, and build digital connectivity—doubling down on our economic ties to the region while contributing to broadly shared Indo-Pacific opportunity.

nnovative network architectures such as Open RAN by encouraging at-scale commercial deployments and cooperation on testing

We will develop new approaches to trade that meet high labor and environmental standards and will govern our digital economies and cross-border data flows according to open principles, including through a new digital-economy framework.

o build regional connectivity with an emphasis on the digital domain,

Barrasso flagged China’s membership in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) – a multilateral trade agreement that primarily reduces tariffs and other trade barriers in the region – as an example of how Beijing is currently “winning” on the economic front.

the IPEF makes “open principles” governing cross-border data flows; supply chains “that are diverse, open and predictable” and “shared investments in decarbonisation and clean energy” its key goals in addition to labour and environmental considerations, according to a White House fact sheet.

aims to improve environmental and labour standards as part of what the administration calls a “worker-centred” trade policy.

How firms handle redundancies also sends signals to prospective employees, customers and investors.

Callousness affects the morale of those who are left behind: recent research suggests that a toxic corporate culture is more likely to lead to employee attrition than any other factor.

saving 3,000 jobs is worth the loss of 800 workers.

Click here to view original web page at www.economist.com

Yet they will continue to be taken, posted and shared. As Ukraine demonstrates, real life is increasingly lived online, both at peace and at war.

Russian disinformation campaigns seem to be targeting Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, crafting messages that tap into pre-existing anti-Western or anti-American sentiments, says Mr Miller. A team at Demos used semantic analysis of accounts pushing pro-Putin hashtags on Twitter and found a preponderance of activity in South Africa and India. Public opinion on the conflict in Asia is not as definitively anti-Russian as in the West. Cyril Ramphosa, South Africa’s president, recently tweeted that “the war could have been avoided if NATO had heeded the warnings” about its eastward expansion.

Inside Russia, Mr Putin has kept a tight grip on the narrative by tightening the flow of information. Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram have all been banned; users on TikTok cannot create new content. Wartime censorship laws make calling the war a war punishable by up to 15 years behind bars. Russian authorities have created Telegram chatbots for citizens to inform on those spreading “incorrect information”.

“There is no systemic, reliable way to look across these platforms and see what the information ecosystems look like,” laments Brandon Silverman, co-founder of CrowdTangle, a social analytics tool.

In the West, Russian narratives have gained little traction. That may be because the reality is too stark to spin. Western platforms have also taken tougher stances towards the disinformation spread by Russian state media. But Russia has also made less of an effort to reach western audiences, reckons Carl Jack Miller of Demos, a think-tank in London.

“They’re using crap from the second world war,”

“We witness how a new narrative about Ukraine is being born and it gives us strength, gives us courage,” says Ms Tsybulska.

Diplomats in Europe say similar shifts in public opinion there have helped galvanise support for tougher sanctions against Russia and a more liberal approach to refugees from Ukraine

When Russia invaded in 2014, Ukraine’s internet culture, like its economy as a whole, was oriented towards Russia. The most popular social network was VK, a Russian platform. In recent years, Ukraine’s tech scene has boomed; many developers and designers work for Western technology companies.

One group packages content aimed at Russians; another produces patriotic clips for a domestic audience; a third focuses on TikTok; a fourth churns out memes; yet others work to archive photos and videos from social media for what they hope will be future war-crimes tribunals.

“Everybody is an information warrior these days,”

a chatbot on Telegram that allows citizens to send videos and locations of Russian forces

a meme-style image that contrasts “Nestle’s positioning”—a picture of a healthy child—with “Nestle’s position”—a picture of a dead child.

Telegram

“It’s organic for him to use technology,” says Mr Fedorov, who ran digital operations for Mr Zelensky’s presidential campaign in 2019. “He wants to share, wants to spread the word, wants to convey his emotions—like a normal person.”

It helps to have a charismatic, social-media savvy leader in Mr Zelensky, a former TV star.

their power depends less on the information they convey than on the experience they express.

in “The Valley of the Shadow of Death”, Roger Fenton’s iconic image of a cannonball-strewn road during the Crimean War.

The evolution of social media and communications technologies plays a role too. The shifts can be seen in Ukraine itself: when Russia began its war in 2014, just 4% of Ukrainian mobile subscribers had access to networks of 3G speed or faster; this year, more than 80% are on high-speed networks, according to Kepios, a research firm. In 2014 just 14% of Ukrainians had smartphones, reckons Kepios; by 2020 more than 70% did, estimates GSMA, a telecommunications industry body. When Mr Putin launched the recent invasion, 4.6bn people were using social media globally, more than double the number in 2014.

When Russian bombers began pounding Syria on behalf of Bashar al-Assad in 2015, 30% of Syria’s population was online. In Afghanistan at the time of the American withdrawal, the figure stood at less than 20%.

Some 75% of Ukrainians use the internet, according to the International Telecommunication Union, part of the UN.

to push for a “digital blockade” of Russia by global technology firms.

The war in Ukraine is not, as some commentators rushed to declare, the “first social-media war”. Israel and Hamas have long sparred on Twitter as well as IRL. During Mr Putin’s previous invasion of Ukraine, in 2014-15, digital sleuths used selfies that Russian soldiers posted online to prove their presence on the battlefield in the Donbas region. (Russia subsequently barred soldiers from carrying smartphones while on duty.) Nor is the war in Ukraine the first conflict to appear on a new generation of social networks such as TikTok, which launched in 2016. Videos from the war in Syria have long circulated there; those interested could also find plenty of clips from Nagorno-Karabakh, the disputed enclave that Armenia and Azerbaijan fought over in 2020.

The ministry's announcement came as Ukrainian officials said that humanitarian convoys ran into several issues on Thursday, including Russian troops confiscating aid and blocking buses.

Since its low in early March the rouble has jumped, and is now approaching its pre-war level. The main benchmark of Russian stocks plunged by a third, but has since stabilised. The government and most firms are keeping up with their payments on foreign-currency bonds. A run on banks that saw nearly 3trn roubles ($31bn) withdrawn came to an end, with Russians returning much of the cash to their accounts.

Unless that changes, the Russian economy may continue to defy the worst predictions.

Yet many big businesses that started during Soviet times are used to operating without imports. If any economy could come close to coping with being cut off from the world, it would be Russia’s.