The thinking space for current developments is shaped by political ideals and philosophy. We cannot understand our period or work on prospective answers for crises, such as the war in Ukraine, unless we comprehend deeper thought origins of our era. This text discusses the Ukraine war by revisiting ideas that influenced Putin and the Russian elite.

On the operational front, some analysts, such as John Mearsheimer, have cautioned that NATO's expansion into Russia's borders could provoke confrontation.

However, beyond the tactical, there are ideas and concepts that have shaped Putin and the Russian elite's thinking.

Several intellectuals, including

Vladislav Surkov is a Kremlin-connected adviser. He proposed the ideology of Russian "sovereign democracy," which is the authoritarian style of mild liberalism that Russia has been practicing since 2006.

IIvan Ilyn is Russian philosopher who died in exile in Switzerland in 1954. As a vehement opponent of the Bolsheviks, he advocated not only against Communism, but also against Western liberalism. In his view that classic autocracy is the right approach for Russia, he echoed Dostoevsky's thinking. Ilyin argued in his main work, 'Our Side,' that Russia had a duty to preserve its traditional autocracy and reject Western liberalism.

The Russian political elite began to be inspired also by 'the Justification of the Good' (Vladimir Solovyov) and 'Philosophy of Inequality' (Vladimir Solovyov) (Nicholas Berdyaev). These three authors, Ilyn, Solovyov, and Berdyaev, are sometimes cited as the fathers of the "Russian idea," which is based on the historical uniqueness, distinctive vocation, and worldwide purpose of the Russian people and, by extension, the Russian state.

Most of these ideas were brought closer to our time by Alexander Dugin, who developed 'Fourth Political Theory' as a synthesis of Neo-paganism, Slavic Nativism, and Eastern Orthodox traditions.

In his book 'Foundations of Geopolitics,' Dugin describes liberal postmodernity as humanity's fundamental threat, based on these three pillars of "Atlanticism": liberalism, free markets, and democracy. As counter-forces, he recommends hierarchy, tradition, and a strict legal structure.

As a practical response to 'atlanticism,' Dugin recommended destabilizing three actions: destabilising internal political processes in the United States, Britain's withdrawal from the European Union, and Russia's annexation.

All of these books are essential background reading for understanding Putin's and Russia's elite's thinking as they shift from Western modernity to Russian social conservatism. Russian history has happened in this swinging between modernity and conservativism. It remains to be seen how this transformation will unfold with huge impact not only

This article provides a solid analysis of an interplay in strategic triangle between USA - China - Russia.

It is game of chess or go, where different 'geometries' are appearing:

• China is interested to support Russia in confrontation with USA in Europe in order to reduce USA and NATO presence in Indo-Pacific.
• Trump played more on 'Russian card' against China. Biden administration slightly engaged with Russia in Geneva in order to free 'hands' for Indo-Pacific. But, it is not certain if it will work due to Ukraina crisis.

This article provides a solid and balanced analysis of Putin's claim that NATO's expansion towards East has been breach of deal which was made between USA and Soviet Union in1990s.

This text provides necessary context for understanding 1990s and the end of the cold war.

Legally speaking it misses on a few points like most of commentators in the recent crisis:

• international agreements do not need to be signed. Agreed text in the form of treaty provides clarity as it would in this case. It is unclear if there was 'agreement' or tactical probing during the re-unification of Germany.
• even if agreements are signed there are two - sometimes - contradicting principles of international law: pacta sunt servanda and rebus sic stantibus. The first one stipulates that you must observe agreement as it is written. Second one stipulates that agreement could be interpreted and implemented in accordance to changing context.

Article also misses deeper historical context. Namely, in Russian 'collective consciousness' there a deep fear from invasion that dates back to Mongoles and more recently with Napoleon and Hitler. It dates back to invasions from the East by Mongoles Ginggis Cthere is a very deep fear in Russia from invasion. It is shaped by huge territory of plains wihtout any major barrier towards West. For example, one of rare issues with consensus in Russia is fear of invasion following strong historical memory of Napoleon and Hitler. There is saying that 'Russian liberalism ends at the border with Ukraine.” which is proven by Navalny's views on 'state issues' in Russia.

Here is a crucial dynamics of the current crisis. While Putin exploites this deep fear in dealing with Ukraina, there is a risk that Navalny or anyone else may be even more radical in order to prove 'his/her statehood credentials'.

All in all, this crisis has to be managed on different levels. The first step would be to safe Ukrainians from becoming victim of something which was and is currently beyond their influence and overall reach.

History, as always, must be handled with utmost care!

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Russian approach for controlling the Internet

Anti-Internet actions of the Russian authorities

Russia is pushing for

• the stronger role of the ITU in IG,
• negotiations of cybercrime convention

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press conference - Putin