The commitment of the United States to Israel’s security is without question.  And a support — our support for an independent, Jewish state is unequivocal. But I continue to believe that a two-state solution is the best way to ensure Israel — Israel’s future as a Jewish, democratic state living in peace alongside a viable, sovereign, and democratic Palestinian state.

We must redouble our diplomacy and commit to political negotiations, not violence, as the tool of first resort to manage tensions around the world.

To that end, the United States is making a $10 billion commitment to end hunger and invest in food systems at home and abroad.

That’s the idea behind the Build Back Better World. 

The United States is committing to use — committed to using our resources and our international platform to support these voices, listen to them, partner with them to find ways to respond that advance human dignity around the world. For example, there is an enormous need for infrastructure in developing countries, but infrastructure that is low-quality or that feeds corruption or exacerbates environmental degradation may only end up contributing to greater challenges for countries over time.

One of the most important ways we can effectively enhance security and reduce violence is by seeking to improve the lives of the people all over the world who see that their governments are not serving their needs. Corruption fuels inequality, siphons off a nation’s resources, spreads across borders, and generates human suffering.  It is nothing less than a national security threat in the 21st century

We know how to build effective partnerships to dismantle terrorist networks by targeting their financing and support systems, countering their propaganda, preventing their travel, as well as disrupting imminent attacks. We’ll meet terrorist threats that arise today and in the future with a full range of tools available to us, including working in cooperation with local partners so that we need not be so reliant on large-scale military deployments.

Similarly, we seek serious and sustained diplomacy to pursue the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We seek concrete progress toward an available plan with tangible commitments that would increase stability on the Peninsula and in the region, as well as improve the lives of the people in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

The United States remains committed to preventing Ira- — to preventing Iran from gaining a nuclear weapon.  We are working with the P5+1 to engage Iran diplomatically and seek a return to the JCPOA.  We’re prepared to return to full compliance if Iran does the same. 

The United States will compete, and will compete vigorously, and lead with our values and our strength.  We’ll stand up for our allies and our friends and oppose attempts by stronger countries to dominate weaker ones, whether through changes to territory by force, economic coercion, technological exploitation, or disinformation.

We’ll continue to uphold the longstanding rules and norms that have formed the guardrails of international engagement for decades that have been essential to the development of nations around the world — bedrock commitments like freedom of navigation, adherence to international laws and treaties, support for arms control measures that reduce the res- — the risk and enhance transparency.

We’re hardening our critical infrastructure against cyberattacks, disrupting ransomware networks, and working to establish clear rules of the road for all nations as it relates to cyberspace.  We reserve the right to respond decisively to cyberattacks that threaten our people, our allies, or our interests. 

As new technologies continue to evolve, we’ll work together with our democratic partners to ensure that new advances in areas from biotechnology, to quantum computing, 5G, artificial intelligence, and more are used to lift people up, to solve problems, and advance human freedom — not to suppress dissent or target minority communities.

As we deal with these crises, we’re also encountering a new era — an era of new technologies and possibilities that have the potential to release and reshape every aspect of human existence.  And it’s up to all of us to determine whether these technologies are a force to empower people or to deepen repression.

In April, I announced the United States will double our public international financing to help developing nations tackle the climate crisis.  And today, I’m proud to announce that we’ll work with the Congress to double that number again, including for adaptation efforts. This will make the United States a leader in public climate finance.  And with our added support, together with increased private capital and other — from other donors, we’ll be able to meet the goal of mobilizing $100 billion to support climate action in developing nations.

And my administration is working closely with our Congress to make the critical investments in green infrastructure and electric vehicles that will help us lock in progress at home toward our climate goals. And the best part is: Making these ambitious investments isn’t just good climate policy, it’s a chance for each of our countries to invest in ourselves and our own future.  It’s an enormous opportunity to create good-paying jobs for workers in each of our countries and to spur long-term economic growth that will improve the quality of life for all of our people.

In April, I announced the United States’ ambitious new goal under the Paris Agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from the United States by 50 to 52 percent below 2005 levels by 2030, as we work toward achieving a clean-energy economy with net-zero emissions by 2050.

To keep within our reach the vital goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, every nation needs to bring their highest-possible ambitions to the table when we meet in Glasgow for COP26 and then to have to keep raising our collective ambition over time.

This year has also brought widespread death and devastation from the borderless climate crisis.  The extreme weather events that we have seen in every part of the world — and you all know it and feel it — represent what the Secretary-General has rightly called “code red for humanity.”  And the scientists and experts are telling us that we’re fast approaching a “point of no return,” in the literal sense.

Indeed, today, many of our greatest concerns

Already, the United States has put more than $15 billion toward global COVID respon- — the global COVID response.  We’ve shipped more than 160 million doses of COVID-19 vaccine to other countries.  This includes 130 million doses from our own supply and the first tranches of the half a billion doses of Pfizer vaccine we purchased to donate through COVAX. Planes carrying vaccines from the United States have already landed in 100 countries, bringing people all over the world a little “dose of hope,” as one American nurse termed it to me.  A “dose of hope,” direct from the American people — and, importantly, no strings attached. And tomorrow, at the U.S.-hosted Global 19 — COVID-19 Summit, I’ll be announcing additional commitments as we seek to advance the fight against COVID-19 and hold ourselves accountable around specific targets on three key challenges: saving lives now, vaccinating the world, and building back better.

And for the future, we need to create a new mechanism to finance global health security that builds on our existing development assistance, and Global Health Thr- — and a Global Health Threat Counc- — Council that is armed with the tools we need to monitor and identify emerging pandemics so that we can take immediate action.

U.S. military power must be our tool of last resort, not our first, and it should not be used as an answer to every problem we see around the world. Indeed, today, many of our greatest concerns cannot be solved or even addressed through the force of arms.  Bombs and bullets cannot defend against COVID-19 or its future variants. To fight this pandemic, we need a collective act of science and political will.  We need to act now to get shots in arms as fast as possible and to expand access to oxygen, tests, treatments to save lives around the world.

Make no mistake: The United States will continue to defend ourselves, our Allies, and our interests against attack, including terrorist threats, as we prepare to use force if any is necessary, but — to defend our vital U.S. national interests, including against ongoing and imminent threats.

And as the United States seeks to rally the world to action, we will lead not just with the example of our power but, God willing, with the power of our example.

We’re engaging with regional institutions — from ASEAN to the African Union to the Organization of American States — to focus on people’s urgent needs for better health and better economic outcomes.  We’re back at the table in international forums, especially the United Nations, to focus attention and to spur global action on shared challenges.  We are reengaged at the World Health Organization and working in close partnership with COVAX to deliver lifesaving vaccines around the world.  We rejoined the Paris Climate Agreement, and we’re running to retake a seat on the Human Rights Council next year at the U.N.

We elevated the Quad partnership among Australia, India, Japan, and the United States to take on challenges ranging from health security to climate to emerging technologies.

We renewed our engagement with the European Union, a fundamental partner in tackling the full range of significant issues facing our world today. 

We have reaffirmed our sacred NATO Alliance to Article 5 commitment.  We’re working with our Allies toward a new strategic concept that will help our Alliance better take on evolving threats of today and tomorrow.

Over the last eight months, I have prioritized rebuilding our alliances, revitalizing our partnerships, and recognizing they’re essential and central to America’s enduring security and prosperity.

ending this pandemic; addressing the climate crisis; managing the shifts in global power dynamics

We stand, in my view, at an inflection point in history

There’s a fundamental truth of the 21st century within each of our own countries and as a global community that our own success is bound up with others succeeding as well. To deliver for our own people, we must also engage deeply with the rest of the world. 

And as the United States turns our focus to the priorities and the regions of the world, like the Indo-Pacific, that are most consequential today and tomorrow, we’ll do so with our allies and partners, through cooperation at multilateral institutions like the United Nations, to amplify our collective strength and speed, our progress toward dealing with these global challenges.

We’ve ended 20 years of conflict in Afghanistan.  And as we close this period of relentless war, we’re opening a new era of relentless diplomacy; of using the power of our development aid to invest in new ways of lifting people up around the world; of renewing and defending democracy; of proving that no matter how challenging or how complex the problems we’re going to face, government by and for the people is still the best way to deliver for all of our people.

Instead of continuing to fight the wars of the past, we are fixing our eyes on devoting our resources to the challenges that hold the keys to our collective future: ending this pandemic; addressing the climate crisis; managing the shifts in global power dynamics; shaping the rules of the world on vital issues like trade, cyber, and emerging technologies; and facing the threat of terrorism as it stands today

Will we apply and strengthen the core tenets of inter- — of the international system, including the U.N. Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as we seek to shape the emergence of new technologies and deter new threats?  Or will we allow these universal — those universal principles to be trampled and twisted in the pursuit of naked political power? 

Will we affirm and uphold the human dignity and human rights under which nations in common cause, more than seven decades ago, formed this institution?

Will we work together to save lives, defeat COVID-19 everywhere, and take the necessary steps to prepare ourselves for the next pandemic?  For there will be another one.  Or will we fail to harness the tools at our disposal as the more virulent and dangerous variants take hold? Will we meet the threat of challenging climate — the challenging climate we’re all feeling already ravaging every part of our world with extreme weather?  Or will we suffer the merciless march of ever-worsening droughts and floods, more intense fires and hurricanes, longer heatwaves and rising seas?

Ladies and gentlemen, this is the clear and urgent choice that we face here at the dawning of what must be a decisive decade for our world — a decade that will quite literally determine our futures. As a global community, we’re challenged by urgent and looming crises wherein lie enormous opportunities if — if — we can summon the will and resolve to seize these opportunities. 

We’re mourning more than 4.5 million people — people of every nation from every background.  Each death is an individual heartbreak.  But our shared grief is a poignant reminder that our collective future will hinge on our ability to recognize our common humanity and to act together. 

Кыргызстан к 2050 году постарается достичь углеродной нейтральности

Как отмечалось выше, под риском исчезновения также находятся многовековые ледники, реки и биоразнообразие горных экосистем Кыргызстана. В этом году в ЮНЕСКО мы инициируем резолюцию «О сохранении горных ледников» и одновременно продолжаем работу с международными партнерами по выполнению положений резолюции «Природа не знает границ», внесенной Кыргызстаном и недавно утвержденной Генеральной Ассамблеей ООН

В последние несколько лет природа и население нашей страны довольно заметно стали ощущать негативные последствия изменения климата. Свои видение и позицию наша страна непременно озвучит на грядущей 26-й Конференции Сторон Рамочной Конвенции ООН по изменению климата в Глазго.Однако позвольте использовать эту высокую трибуну для нескольких ремарок. Для горного Кыргызстана одной из приоритетных и насущных проблем является адаптация к изменению климата. Мы придаем важное значение защите и преумножению площадей горных лесов, которые, наряду со своей природной функцией поглощения углекислого газа, также играют исключительно важную роль в сохранении водных ресурсов.В этой связи выступаем за разработку и принятие под эгидой ООН специальной целевой программы по горным лесам, их сохранению, восстановлению и облесению горных склонов.

На текущей сессии Генеральной Ассамблеи ООН от«Группы друзей горных стран»мы инициируем, чтобы вновь объявить 2022 год -Международным годом гор, утвердить пятилетнюю программу по устойчивому развитию горных регионов и в 2027 году созвать Глобальный саммит«Бишкек+25»

В этой связи, призываем двусторонних и многосторонних кредиторов поддержать инициативы по облегчению внешнего долга в обмен на жизненно важные проекты устойчивого развития Кыргызстана.

В стране уже имеются вакцины разных мировых производителей. Пользуясь случаем, выражаю искреннюю признательность руководству Китая, России, Казахстана, Швеции, которые предоставили нам вакцины в виде гуманитарной акции на двусторонней основе и в рамках программы «КОВАКС» Всемирной организации здравоохранения.

Вместе с тем призываем активизировать международные усилия не только для борьбы с терроризмом и экстремизмом, но и против транснациональной организованной преступности, занимающейся незаконной деятельностью в сфере оборота наркотиков и оружия, торговли людьми, отмыванием преступных доходов, и в киберпространстве. Кыргызстан в рамках Шанхайской организации сотрудничествапрорабатывает вопрос создании Центра по противодействию международной организованной преступности в городе Бишкек

Кыргызстан проводит всестороннюю работу по борьбе с терроризмом и экстремизмом, добросовестно выполняет положения Глобальной контртеррористической стратегии ООН, резолюций Совета Безопасности ООН, рекомендаций Исполнительного директората Контртеррористического комитета Совета Безопасности ООН

Нельзя не отметить нашу озабоченность в связи с последними событиями в Афганистане. Мы можем предоставить пятистам молодым афганцам возможность обучения в наших университетах, а также оказать гуманитарную помощь нуждающимся гражданам, в первую очередь, этническим кыргызам Малого и Большого Памира Афганистана. Сучетом проходящей эвакуации учреждений ООН из Афганистана, Кыргызстан предлагает временно разместить их в Бишкеке.В этой связи обращаюсь к Генеральному секретарю ООН принять во внимание наше предложение.

2 марта 2022 года мы также будем праздновать 30-летие вступления Кыргызстана в Организацию Объеденных Наций. На протяжении этого периода республика является активным государством-членом ООН, полностью приверженным целям и принципам Устава Организации Объеденных Наций и постоянно выступающим за укрепление авторитета и роли ООН в международных делах, которые, к сожалению, в последние десятилетия характеризуются напряженностью и конфликтностью.

Исходя из этих соображений,Кыргызстан выдвинулся кандидатомв Совет ООН по правам человека на 2023-2025 годы и Непостоянные члены Совета Безопасности ООН на 2027-2028 годы.Призываю все государства-члены ООН оказать нам поддержку на выборах.

в 2022 году предлагаем провести саммит Центральная Азия –ООН, чтобы вместе подвести итоги взаимного сотрудничества и наметить совместные планы на перспективу в целях развития и безопасности Центральной Азии. Саммит предлагаем организовать в сроки проведения очередной Консультативной встречи глав государств Центральной Азии.

States concludedthat there are potentially devastating security, economic, social and humanitarian consequences of malicious ICT activitieson critical infrastructure (CI) and critical information infrastructure (CII) supporting essential services to the public. While it is each State’s prerogative to determine which infrastructures it designates ascritical, such infrastructure may include medical facilities,

The OEWG welcomes the high level of participation of women delegates in its sessions and the prominence of gender perspectives in its discussions.

Malicious ICT activitiesagainst CIand CII that undermine trust and confidence in political and electoral processes, public institutions,or that impact the general availability or integrity of the Internet, are also a real and growing concern

Conclusions and recommendations

high level of participation of women delegates

Building on this foundationand reaffirming this framework,

humanitarian consequences of malicious ICT activities